Rickard Lalander

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Arbetar vid Romanska och klassiska institutionen
Besöksadress Universitetsvägen 10 B, plan 5
Postadress Romanska och klassiska institutionen 106 91 Stockholm


I urval från Stockholms universitets publikationsdatabas
  • 2016. Rickard Lalander. International Journal of Human Rights

    The Bolivian constitution of 2009 has been classified as one of the most progressive in the world regarding indigenous rights. The indigenous principles of Suma Qamaña/Vivir Bien/Good Living on the harmonious relationship between humans and nature are established in the constitution. Nonetheless, these rights clash with the constitutionally recognised rights of the nation state to extract and commercialise natural resources (mainly hydrocarbons and mining) under the banner of redistributive justice, welfare reforms and the common good, in this study labelled the dilemma of extractive development. The article is based on ethnographic fieldwork and combines a political economy perspective on the extractive dilemma, while similarly examining the tensions between ethnically defined rights in relation to broader human rights in terms of values and norms related to welfare and conditions of living. The ethnic identity is multifaceted in Bolivia. Large segments of the indigenous population prefer to identify in class terms. The class-ethnicity tensions have altered throughout history, according to changing socio-economic, cultural and political settings. A central argument is that, during Evo Morales' presidency, class-based human rights in practice tend to be superior to the ethnically defined rights, as a reflection of the dilemma of extractive development.

  • 2016. Markus Kröger, Rickard Lalander. Third World Quarterly 37 (4), 682-702

    In recent times a growing number of Latin American rural groups have achieved extended ethno-territorial rights, and large territories have been protected by progressive constitutions. These were the outcomes of extended cycles of national and transnational contentious politics and of social movement struggle, including collective South–South cooperation. However, the continent has simultaneously experienced a resource extraction boom. Frequently the extractivism takes place in protected areas and/or Indigenous territories. Consequently economic interests collide with the protection and recognition of constitutional rights. Through a review of selected demonstrative cases across Latin America, this article analyses the (de jure) rights on paper versus the (de facto) rights in practice.

  • 2016. Rickard Lalander, Markus Kröger. Observatorio del Desarrollo (23), 1-22

    A growing number of Latin American rural groups have attained extended ethno-territorial rights, and sizeable territories were safeguarded by progressive constitutions. This trend was the product of extended cycles of protest at local, national and transnational levels; social movements struggle, with broader collective South-South collaboration. Nonetheless, the continent simultaneously experienced a resource extraction boom. Commonly, the extractivism takes place in protected areas and/or indigenous territories. Accordingly, economic interests clash with the safeguarding and recognition of constitutional rights. Through the analysis of selected illustrative cases across Latin America, this study analyses the (de jure) rights on paper versus the (de facto) rights in practice. 

  • 2016. Rickard Lalander. Multidisciplinary Latin American Studies, 149-173
  • 2016. Rickard Lalander. Critical Sociology 42 (4-5), 623-642

    This article examines the tensions between constitutional rights, welfare politics and extractivism in Ecuador. In practice, the rights of nature risk being subordinated to other human values amidst strategic State interests in economic development and social programs, due to the government’s pragmatic approach toward environmental rights. The Ecuadorian Constitution of 2008 has been celebrated for being the most radical in the world regarding the specific rights of nature and the indigenous peoples. The central framing of the Constitution is the indigenous concept of Sumak Kawsay regarding humans being in harmony with nature. The Rafael Correa government launched a groundbreaking initiative to protect biodiversity and indigenous peoples in the oil rich national park of Yasuní, adding to the image of Ecuador as an ecological alternative to follow and a challenge to global capitalism. Far-reaching welfare programs have been implemented during the Correa administration, but resource extraction has increased. In light of the Ecuadoran experience, substantial questions remain as to whether Sumak Kawsay can be a path for socialist transformation and ecologically solvent development.

  • 2015. Rickard Lalander. Revista Chilena de Derecho y Ciencia Política 6 (1), 109-152

    The indigenous concept of Sumak Kawsay, in which human beings reside in harmony with each other and with the environment, is the principal framework for the new constitutions in Ecuador and Bolivia. These constitutional reforms strengthen the rights of the environment as well as the countries’ ethnically defined communities. Nevertheless, the same constitutions grant the State the right to exploit and commercialize natural resources, and extractivism has increased since the approval of these radical constitutions. This article examines the tensions between social welfare policies, extractivism, and the rights of the environment and indigenous peoples within the new constitutional contexts found in Bolivia and, especially, Ecuador. Is it possible to justify the extraction of natural resources for the provision of progressive welfare policies and still respect the constitutional rights of the environment? This article argues that the Sumak Kawsay philosophy challenges the dominant understanding of the concepts of well-being, common good, and development and that the governments of the two nations have applied a pragmatic, anthropocentric approach to the constitutional rights of nature in relation to other human values.

  • 2015. Rickard Lalander, Juan Velásquez-Atehortúa. Espacio Abierto 4 (3), 45-68

    This article aims to analyze certain characteristics of the Venezuelan democratic transformation during the Presidency of Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías, particularly from 2002 onwards and with a specific focus on the emergence of barrio women in the new participatory structures. There will be particular attention to the mechanisms enhancing local political participation and social inclusion through the Community Councils (Consejos Comunales) and the Social Battle Rooms (Salas de Batalla Social). Within these instances barrio women had increasingly discovered their own space for individual and collective empowerment. barrio women’s participation in such instances frames a process of gender equality based in scale complementarity in which the structures of macro-politics more dominated by men, while those of micro-politics are generally subjugated by barrio women. In this study barrio women’s instances of micro-politics will be conceptualized in terms of insurgent citizenship. The article connects thus to theoretical debates on radical participatory democracy, State-society relations, and the empowerment of barrio women that previously were excluded from the public sphere.

  • 2014. Rickard Lalander. Ecuador Debate (90), 173-198

    En este trabajo se analiza el movimiento indígena evangélico ecuatoriano con énfasis particular enlas tensiones entre etnicidad y religión en contextos de movilización política en la provincia deChimborazo. Una provincia que ha sido una fortaleza tradicional tanto de la Iglesia Católica comoposteriormente de las Iglesias Evangélicas, lo que ha contribuido a la excepcionalidad de la provinciay asimismo ha animado la formación de diferentes movimientos políticos. El enfoque principal de esteanálisis es la Federación Ecuatoriana de Indígenas Evangélicos/FEINE y su brazo electoral AmautaJatari, así como sus complejas relaciones con el más amplio movimiento indígena. Teórica ymetodológicamente, el artículo se apoya en ideas de Interseccionalidad, se integran dentro de unmarco analítico sociológico-politológico. Se justifica esta integración analítica por su valor para laapertura de posibilidades de problematización del tema, sino también para comprender la complejamezcla identitaria que influye en las lógicas colectivas e individuales en la sociedad.

  • 2014. Rickard Lalander. Revista iberoamericana de estudios de desarrollo / Iberoamerican Journal of Development Studies 3 (2), 148-173

    Is it possible to justify resource extractivism to provide progressive welfare politics and still respect the constitutional rights of nature? The Indigenous concept of Sumak Kawsay on human beings living in harmony with each other and the environment is the fundamental framing of the new constitutions of Ecuador and Bolivia. These constitutional reforms embrace strengthened proper rights of nature and similarly of ethnic rights. However, the same constitutions grant the State the right to exploit and commercialize natural resources and extractivism has increased. This study revises the tensions between welfare politics, extractivism and the rights of nature and the Indigenous peoples in the new constitutional settings of Bolivia and, particularly, Ecuador. The article argues that Sumak Kawsay challenges dominating understandings of theconcepts of welfare, common good and development, and likewise that a pragmatic approach is applied by national governments towards the constitutional rights of nature amidst other human values.

  • 2013. Rickard Lalander, Juan Velásquez-Atehortúa. Revista Latino-Americana de Geografia e Gênero 4 (2), 29-44

    The aim of this article is to examine the growing protagonism of women in the recently developed participatory structures within the framework of democratic transition in Venezuela, during thepresidency of Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías, mainly from 2006 onwards. While the degree of personalized political symbolic power has deepened during the period, at the same time the political system has changed, towards a model characterizedby broader political participation and social inclusion at grassroots level. The insurgence ofpopular sector women in the local political structures will be emphasized, as well as the female protagonism and empowerment in the radical participatory democracy in progress. In order to make this issue visible, the analytical focus will be placed mainly on one participatory model of the so called Bolivarian Revolution: the Community Councils, although other relevant mechanisms anddimensions of popular participation will be dealt with. Through these frameworks, a growing number of women from the popular sectors have found their own space of empowerment. Theoretically, this research connects to radical and participatory democracy debates, changing StateCitizenshiprelations and the empowerment of women who were previously excluded from the public spheres.

  • 2013. Rickard Lalander, Juan Velásquez-Atehortúa. Ecuador Debate (88), 147-168

    El objetivo del presente artículo es examinar el creciente protagonismo de mujeres en las nuevas estructuras participativas dentro del esquema de transformación de la democracia venezolana en tiempos de la administración del Presidente Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías, particularmente a partir de 2006. Si bien es cierto que se ha acentuado el grado de personalismo político durante la era chavista, al mismo tiempo el sistema político ha cambiado de carácter, con más participación popular e inclusión social en las bases locales. Particularmente se enfatizan los mecanismos para animar a la participación política vecinal e inclusión social. Especialmente se enfatizarán los cambios en cuanto al surgimiento de mujeres en las estructuras políticas locales y su protagonismo en la emergente democracia participativa. Para lograr visibilizar eso se analizan dos modelos participativos de la llamada Revolución Bolivariana: los Consejos Comunales y las Salas de Batalla Social. Dentro de estos esquemas una gran cantidad de mujeres de los sectores populares han encontrado su propio espacio de empoderamiento. Teóricamente, el estudio se vincula con los debates de democracia radical y participativa, relaciones Estado-ciudadanía y el empoderamiento de las mujeres que anteriormente estaban excluidas de las esferas públicas.

  • 2012. Rickard Lalander, Pablo Ospina Peralta. Cuestiones políticas 28 (48), 13-50

    This article highlights the relationship between the Ecuadorian indigenous movement and the progressive government of Rafael Correa and his PAIS Movement.The objective is to examine why the indigenous movement has decided to oppose the Correa government, despite initial common political concerns. To explain this paradox, both the recent political history of the indigenous movementas well as the attitudes and politics applied by the Correa administration are analyzed. Five fields of political discrepancy and differentiation are offered as probable explanations for the conflictive relationship between the indigenous organizationsand the Correa government. These interconnected themes that seek to explain the distancing are: an intercultural dilemma, opposition to extractivism,different attitudes toward social mobilization, agrarian policies and finally, the state policy labelled de-sectorization.

  • 2012. Rickard Lalander. New Constitutionalism in Latin America, 163-182
  • 2012. Rickard Lalander, Pablo Ospina Peralta. Revista OSAL (32)

    A pesar de compartir inicialmente las mismas posturas políticas, las relaciones entre el movimiento indígena ecuatoriano – principalmente representado por la CONAIE – y el gobierno progresista de Rafael Correa y el Movimiento PAÍS se han caracterizado por conflictos y distanciamientos. Entender esta paradoja es el tema de este artículo. El objetivo del estudio es explorar analíticamente las razones que se encuentran detrás de estas relaciones conflictivas desde el inicio del gobierno Correa a inicios de 2007. Cuatro temáticas interconectadas se enfatizan como explicaciones de los desacuerdos y distancias entre ambos actores políticos. Estas diferencias programáticas son la oposición a la explotación minera, las actitudes hacia la movilización social, la política agraria y, finalmente, la política estatal que llamamos “desectorización”.

  • 2012. Rickard Lalander. Ibero-Americana, Nordic Journal of Latin American Studies XLII (1-2), 135-158
  • 2012. Rickard Lalander. Revista de Ciencia Política 32 (1), 293-313

    En Venezuela el bienio de 2010 y 2011 se caracterizó por una polarización política y social y la radicalización continua del gobierno socialista de Hugo Chávez Frías, con la ejecución de nuevas leyes, oficialmente para expandir y profundizar la democracia participativa y radical. Paralelamente, también se manifestó el retorno de la oposición política a partir de las elecciones parlamentarias de 2010. En el 2011, la crisis interna ya existente dentro del Chavismo se acentuó con la enfermedad del Presidente Chávez y los aspectos de incertidumbre en cuanto al liderazgo de un movimiento político que hasta la fecha se ha caracterizado por un alto grado de personalismo y poder concentrado en el Presidente. En el campo social el gobierno ha mantenido sus políticas progresistas/asistencialistas de diferentes Misiones sociales del Estado, especialmente a partir del 2011 para confrontar la escasez habitacional. En 2011 igualmente se puede observar el inicio de la pre-campaña electoral para las presidenciales del 2012. En el presente estudio se ofrece un resumen político de Venezuela en 2010 y 2011 y habrá un enfoque analítico particular en las elecciones parlamentarias de 2010, así como en las tensiones entre dos modelos democráticos: uno liberal representativo y otro más radical y participativo. De este último modelo, habrá un énfasis especial en la evolución de los Consejos Comunales y sus implicaciones para la democracia. 

  • 2011. Rickard Lalander. Politeia 34 (47), 55-88

    En el presente estudio se analizan los avances del neoconstitucionalismo y la democracia participativa en Bolivia, Ecuador y Venezuela. Desde 2006, estos tres países han dirigido la llamada transformación hacia la izquierda en América Latina y el socialismodel siglo xxi. ¿Cómo se reflejan las ideas de la democracia radical en las nuevas Constitucionesandinas y cuáles son los probables desafíos y contradicciones acerca de la implementación de estas medidas para animar la participación popular local e inclusión de los sectores previamente excluidos? Adicionalmente, un objetivo principal del artículoes aplicar un nuevo concepto para el debate académicosobre el desarrollo político en América Latina: descentralización socialista. Consecuentemente,el propósito es problematizar el debate teórico sobre la descentralización y la democracia radical participativa en los tres países andinos, e igualmente indicar algunos desafíos para los proyectos políticos participativos alrededor de los presidentes Hugo Chávez, Evo Morales y Rafael Correa.

  • 2010. Rickard Lalander. Bulletin of Latin American Research 29 (4), 505-521

    To what extent might an indigenous mayor govern beyond ethnically defined grievances, without being labelled traitor by the indigenous organisation? This article deals with the challenges faced by the Ecuadorian indigenous movement when it attains power in local government. The issue will be explored through the case of Mario Conejo, who in 2000 became the first indigenous mayor of Otavalo representing the indigenous political movement Pachakutik. Although ethnically based tensions in the local indigenous movement were evident throughout the period, 2006 saw Conejo leave Pachakutik and create a new political movement. This rupture can be traced, I argue, to an intercultural dilemma and the difficulties of ethnically defined political movements.

  • 2010. Rickard Lalander. Provincia. Revista venezolana de estudios territoriales (23), 33-77

    In this research advancement certain theoretical and methodological challenges in social scientific research on Latin America are presented. Through the thematic, conceptual and empirical focal points of decentralization and populism, and departing in the political party systems as the core of representative democracy, different –and at times contradictory- analytical perspectives are presented in order to exemplify the possible assignments in research on the complex Latin American societies. Furthermore, the usefulness of the political opportunity structures theoretical approach is emphasized in the context of political transformations and the perspectives of social movements and political parties. Likewise, the article contributes certain methodological suggestions for scholars dealing with issues of social and political processes in Latin America.

  • 2010. Rickard Lalander. Anales Nueva Época (12), 107-134
  • 2010. Rickard Lalander.

    En 1996 el movimiento político Pachakutik –asociado a la confederación indígena CONAIE- participó electoralmente por primera vez y desde entonces el movimiento indígena se ha establecido como una importante fuerza a nivel local, entre otros, en Cotacachi y Otavalo. Estos dos cantones se identifican como la cuna intelectual del movimiento indígena ecuatoriano. En este libro se analiza el proceso político local desde las perspectivas indígenas, principalmente durante el período entre 1996 y 2010. Un enfoque principal está en lo que el autor denomina el dilema intercultural del movimiento indigena, es decir, los desafíos político-electorales asociados a la interculturalidad y las alianzas establecidas más allá de la definición étnica.  Igualmente se problematizan analíticamente las implicaciones de los avances del movimiento político del Presidente Rafael Correa a partir de 2006 dentro del movimiento indígena. Asimismo, se examina el faccionalismo dentro de las organizaciones indígenas en Cotacachi y Otavalo. A través del análisis de las percepciones e interpretaciones por parte de los actores indígenas, se intenta captar la dinámica y las tensiones dentro de esta complejidad al nivel cantonal. Es extremadamente importante ofrecer espacio académico a los protagonistas políticos. Por ende, metodológicamente, se incluye una gran cantidad de entrevistas con los actores. La segunda parte del libro consiste en una selección de 16 conversaciones entre el autor y destacados personajes indígenas, entre otros, los tres alcaldes protagonistas del estudio; Auki Tituaña y Alberto Anrango en Cotacachi, así como Mario Conejo en Otavalo, lo que por sí contribuye a llenar un vacío de documentación académica del movimiento indígena ecuatoriano y la historia política local.

    Rickard Lalander es politólogo, Doctor y Catedrático en Estudios Latinoamericanos, investigador y profesor en las universidades de Helsinki y  Estocolmo. Es investigador asociado de la Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, Quito. En Ecuador ha colaborado con la FLACSO, el Centro Andino de Acción Popular/CAAP y la Escuela de Gobierno y Políticas Públicas para las Nacionalidades y Pueblos del Ecuador/ESGOPP. Es autor de Suicide of the Elephants? Venezuelan Decentralization between Partyarchy and Chavismo (2004), editor y co-autor de Política y Sociedad en la Venezuela del Chavismo (2006) y ha publicado ampliamente sobre la democracia en los países andinos, inclusive varios artículos sobre el movimiento indígena ecuatoriano.

  • 2010. Rickard Lalander. Presidential Breakdowns in Latin America, 129-146

    This chapter outlines the probable causes of the impeachment of Venezuelan president Carlos Andrés Pérez (CAP) in 1993 by examining the role of the political actors involved in the process. Particular emphasis has been placed on the collapse of the dominant two-party system, the AD-COPEI partyarchic model. Partyarchy once guaranteed the Venezuelan political system relative stability, but it also provoked its own demise. It hindered the institutionalization of political accountability between the electorate and political leaders. There was no really effective opposition and the two dominant parties efficiently obstructed access to political society for alternative actors, which resulted in a loss of legitimacy for the system and of credibility for traditional political leaders.

    It is important to look for the deeper causes of presidential breakdowns, impeachments and even political scandals. The presidential breakdown in Venezuela was the result of complex causes. After the oil bonanza years in the 1970s, the economic situation worsened throughout the 1980s, with negative social and political repercussions. From the late 1980s onwards, the hegemonic bipartisan system was undermined and challenged by new political actors, some emerging from the decentralization after 1989. The Caracazo riots of 1989, the two military coup attempts of 1992 and the popular sympathy elicited by the rebels or coup leaders provide evidence of widespread social and political discontent.

    In a continental comparison, the case of Venezuela is not that typical, since the impeachment was not the direct result of a scandal. Corruption charges against CAP in 1993 (the scandal) functioned rather as an emergency exit from the acute regime crisis. The scandal helped the actors who wished to remove CAP and was an excuse to proceed with impeachment, probably much more so than in the cases of presidential breakdowns in Brazil and Paraguay. Further, officially Pérez had strong parliamentary representation, but AD chose not to support the president’s reform policies. President Pérez thus lacked party and grassroots support and suffered from the hostile relationship between the executive power and the ruling party that facilitated the judicial process. The impeachment procedures are reviewed, as some of the political consequences of presidential breakdown.

  • 2010. Rickard Lalander. Prometokrati, 197-238
  • 2009. Rickard Lalander. Revista Ciencias Sociales (31), 67-102

    The impact of the political movement of Ecuadorian President Rafael Correa on the indigenous movement is analyzed with a focus on the municipalities of Cotacachi and Otavalo, both recognized strongholds of the Pachakutik movement. The Correa effect is examined from different perspectives at cantonal level, with a focal point on the local political actors and their perceptions of strategies, alliances and ruptures within the indigenous organizations. Before the elections of 2009 the indigenous movement is divided, with direct connections to the PAIS Movement of Correa. Contextual particularities related to the indigenous movement in the two localities are considered to achieve a better comprehension of the political scenarios in progress. The author emphasizes the importance of studying aspects of local political processes, social structures and organizational complexities more deeply and not merely consider the possible populist trait of the president.


  • 2009. Rickard Lalander. Ecuador Debate (77), 185-218

    Las victorias de Rafael Correa y su Movimiento PAIS (Patria Altiva y Soberana), en las elecciones presidenciales de 2006 y 2009, han afectado duramente tanto al movimiento indígena ecuatoriano como a sus principales organizaciones. Se analiza el “efecto” Correa en Otavalo y Cotacachi poniendo atención en los actores políticos locales  sus estrategias, alianzas y rupturas organizativas. Los procesos políticos locales tienen su propia dinámica, existen raíces y relaciones históricas entre los diferentes actores sociales y políticos que incluyen antiguos vínculos con la izquierda.

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Senast uppdaterad: 17 maj 2017

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