Profiles

Andres Rivarola Puntigliano

Andrés Rivarola Puntigliano

Docent, Universitetslektor

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Arbetar vid Romanska och klassiska institutionen
Telefon 08-674 71 19
E-post andres.rivarola@lai.su.se
Besöksadress Universitetsvägen 10 B, plan 5
Rum C 5158a
Postadress Romanska och klassiska institutionen 106 91 Stockholm

Publikationer

I urval från Stockholms universitets publikationsdatabas
  • 2020. Andrés Rivarola Puntigliano. Latin American Policy 11 (2), 313-319

    The crisis caused by the Covid-19 pandemic is certainly one of the worst in recent Latin American history. Forecasts for 2020 show a drop in the exports sector of approximately 23%, and a 9% reduction in gross domestic product (GDP). Unemployment is projected to rise from 8.1% in 2019 to 13.5% in 2020, and the poverty rate is expected to climb 7%, to 37.3% poverty is expected rise 4.5% (ECLAC, 2020a). The number of deaths due to Covid-19 in the region has thus far reached more than 210,000 (Johns Hopkins University, 2020), and Latin America is clearly one of the most-affected regions in the world.As is known, this is not the first time the region has been affected by a pan-demic. The initial European colonization was characterized by pandemics with devastating consequences for indigenous peoples. In more recent times we had the so-called Spanish flu pandemic, from 1918 to the early 1920s, which is an interesting case to compare with the current situation. Figures on deaths at that time are not definitive, but there are estimates of approximately 40,000 in Chile, and of more than 12,000 in Argentina (López & Beltrán, 2013). An important sim-ilarity between the Spanish flu and Covid-19 is how they uncovered the flaws of states with an inadequate health sector, as well as strong geographic and social asymmetries within states all over the world and between Latin American states (Carbonetti, 2010, p. 171). Then, as now, the fallout from the pandemic was a wake-up call, making leading political actors and social forces more aware of the problems of social inequality and pushing demand for a more efficient overall state apparatus.

  • 2019. Andrés Rivarola Puntigliano. Alberto Methol Ferré, 45-66

    El historiador sueco Magnus Mörner (2001, 15) decía que, ”hay que respetar la dimensión espacial de la historia” (historiens rumsdimension). Sin desmerecer ninguna, diría que, por su dimensión, la ’continental’ es de las más respetables de todas. No se trata solo de una dimensión geográfica que involucra poblaciones numerosas, sino que también identifica unidades por las cuales se puede estructurar el sistema internacional de estados y naciones. Por cierto que no hay todavía ningún estado o nación continental, al igual que no había estados-nacionales antes que estos surgieran como novedad histórica, producto de la modernidad. Sin embargo, pensamiento global y la proyección continentalista, van de la mano. Las unidades continentales pueden ser ficticias, si se quiere mitológicas (Wigen & Lewis 1997). Sin embargo, son realidades políticas, como parte de visiones, utopías y estudios, que en conjunto, tienen influencia trascendental en el accionar de agentes políticos, culturales y comerciales. Es correcto, como plantea Jussi Pakkasvirta (1997, 11), que en América Latina el continentalismo ha tenido un significado particular. Ha sobrepasado lo estrictamente geográfico, transformándose en un aspecto de la comunidad política. Estamos aquí frente a un fenómeno que Octavio Ianni (1988, 17) denominara, ‘quinta frontera’. Vale decir, cuando la nación transborda su frontera, en búsqueda de un nuevo espacio territorial; imaginario o no. El ‘continentalismo’ es una visión de gran espacio, quizás la mayor en lo que refiere a un espacio territorial continuo. Sin embargo es bueno tomar en cuenta que estas visiones conviven generalmente con otras ‘quintas fronteras’ referidas a espacios más reducidos que el de un estado. El resultado de una u otra, es producto de una lucha de poder político. En este texto propongo hacer un estudio sobre la proyección de la idea continentalista en  América Latina. Comenzaré con una presentación del concepto ‘continente’ en su uso político y social, pero sobre todo en lo que respecta a las proyecciones nacionales como forma de estructurar un determinado sistema, regional o internacional. Después pasaré a ver más en detalle el significado que esto ha tenido en América Latina y América en general. Esto abarca desde la concepción misma de los estados coloniales e independientes del continente Americano, pasando a nuevas formas de significado y proyección que tiene el continentalismo en el nuevo siglo XXI. En esta última fase es donde se analizará con especial atención, el pensamiento de Alberto Methol Ferré quién, conectándose a visiones históricas encuentra un marco teórico y conceptual dentro del cual darle actualidad a una vieja idea.

  • 2017. Andrés Rivarola Puntigliano. Territory, Politics, Governance 5 (4), 478-494

    There is a need, in the 21st century, to analyse the interconnection between development and regional integration with a renewed attention to geopolitics. The aim of this paper is to explore the links between states, the economy and the international system in an ongoing process of transformation generating a new world order. Drawing on geopolitical theory, this study advances the argument that in the 21st century, those states in search of increasing autonomy apply strategies of regional integration and development-oriented policies, following a path to constructing new grossraums centred on states that are continental in scope. For this analysis the study proposes using a geopolitical perspective – here called ‘classical geopolitics’ – emphasizing the territorial dimension of state making, which includes economic policies and the formation of national identities. Particular attention is given to the spatial motif observed in international systems.

  • 2017. José Briceño-Ruiz, Andrés Rivarola Puntigliano.

    Brazil and Latin America: Between the Separation and Integration Paths challenges the “separatist” bias in the vision of Brazilian relations with its Latin American neighbors. By exploring the parallel existence of a path of integration, the focus of this study is on those forces which have intended to forge different forms of alignment, integration, and, sometimes, rightward union between Brazil and different Latin American countries. The authors analyze the ideas and projects inherent in the mindset of elites even before independence. They show that the path of integration has been more influential than is generally known. Ultimately, this book demonstrates the complexity around policy-making, debates on foreign policy, and the history of shaping the Brazilian self.

  • 2017. Andrés Rivarola Puntigliano. The Global Political Economy of Raúl Prebisch
  • 2015. Andrés Rivarola Puntigliano. Integración y cooperación regional en América Latina
  • 2014. Andrés Rivarola Puntigliano. Rudolf Kjellén, 306-316
  • 2013. Andrés Rivarola Puntigliano. Revista do IMEA-UNILA 1 (2), 73-87
  • 2013. Andrés Rivarola Puntigliano. Por uma integracao ampliada do America do Sul no século XXI, 441-466

    Un punto de partida de este trabajo es que hay una suerte de ‘retorno a la geografía’ en los estudios de Relaciones Internacionales (RI). Desde el realismo, el geopolítico estadounidense Robert Kaplan, habla de ‘la venganza de la geografía’, planteando la necesidad de volver a una comprensión del mundo que tome en cuenta los mapas. Según Kaplan, hay que reconocer la existencia de fuerzas que están más allá de nuestro control, limitando la acción humana. Esto lo lleva a lo que, “para los realistas, es la cuestión central en las relaciones exteriores: ¿Quién puede hacer qué a quién? Y de todas las verdades desagradables en las que el realismo tiene sus raíces, la más franca, más incómoda y más determinista de todas es la geografía”.1Se identifica aquí un retorno de la geografía actualizado por la dinámica del proceso de Globalización, que implica: la erosión en la centralidad de los estados nacionales, el impacto de la ‘comunicación masiva’, los mercados globales, y un nuevo papel para grupos locales afianzados en determinados territorios. Para Kaplan, la globalización, más que eliminar la relevancia de la geografía, la está reforzando. El objetivo central de este artículo es analizar la relación entre geopolítica y el área de relaciones internacionales (RI). A modo de presentar una visión práctica sobre expresiones geopolíticas actuales, hemos elegido enfocar este trabajo en un análisis sobre el papel de los planteos geopolíticos en torno al proceso de integración regional Sudamericano, desde la perspectiva de los dos grandes países de esta región:Argentina y Brasil. La primer parte del estudio tratará la relación entre geopolítica y la teoría de relaciones internacionales. Pasaremos a continuación a una profundización sobre el concepto ‘geopolítica’ y sus diferentes corrientes de pensamiento. Finalmente, nos concentraremos un el análisis más concretos sobre la realidad Sudamericana y la influencia de la geopolítica en el reciente surgimiento de esta sub-región como una nueva forma de expresión geopolítica

  • 2013. Andres Rivarola Puntigliano, Miguel Angel Barrios. RESILIENCE OF REGIONALISM IN LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN, 232-258
  • 2013. Andrés Rivarola Puntigliano, José Briceno-Ruiz.
  • 2012. Andrés Rivarola Puntigliano, José Briceño Ruiz, Angel Casas-Gragea.
  • 2011. Andrés Rivarola Puntigliano, Örjan Appelqvist. Journal of Global History 6 (1), 29-52

    The ideas on development issues of two 'pioneers in development', Raul Prebisch and Gunnar Myrdal, are tracked in their formation and evolution. The central role of these two 'defiant bureaucrats' in the Economic Commission for Europe (ECE) and the Economic Commission for Latin America (CEPAL) are used to reflect on the interaction between intellectuals and international institutions in different historical contexts. Both men represented a liberal-universal strand in development thinking. Their divergent conclusions and assessments of the role of international institutions are compared, and are related to their different origins in core and periphery. It is argued that such roots influenced two different approaches to development problems within the UN system.

  • 2011. Andrés Rivarola Puntigliano. Geopolitics 16 (4), 846-864

    The main tenet of this article is to argue that the process of regionalisation in Latin America is entering into a new phase, where South America is consolidating an own process of regional integration. From being not more than a geographical expression, South

    America is rapidly becoming a political and economic entity with increasing international actorhood. One important difference to the past is that there is now a ‘core state’, Brazil, with a clear strategy directed towards deepening South American integration. Yet, Brazil is not alone; there is also an increasing convergence with other South American states and old rivalries are being substituted for increased cooperation in areas such as economy, infrastructure, energy, security or aid. As this article explains, the logic of action of the forces behind the process of integration can be understood by analysing the evolution of South American geopolitical current called ‘geopolitics of integration’.

  • 2010. Andrés Rivarola Puntigliano. Contemporánea. Historia y Problemas del siglo XX. 1 (1), 247-250

    Reseña sobre obra de Alberto Methol Ferré

  • 2009. Andrés Rivarola Puntigliano, José Briceño Ruiz. The EU and world regionalism, 101-113

    The aim of this study is to analyse the impact of EU involvement on the ‘makability’ of regions in South America, with particular focus on EU's interaction with the Common Market of the South (MERCOSUR), and the Andean Community (AC). The idea of ‘makability’ is closely related to the concept of region and its process of construction. For some specialists, a region is an ‘imagined community’, socially constructed from below. Regions can also be described as zones ‘based on groups, states or territories whose member shared some identifiable traits’ , or as a creation of political powers. The issue of whether a region can be ‘made’ by an external actor, cannot be rejected During the Cold War, for example, state power helped to shape regionalism for security reasons (Katzenstein, 2005: 22). One example was the US's commitment to create the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) or the Organisation of American States (OAS). Another case is the Soviet Unions' promotion of security and economic regional entities in Eastern Europe. Yet, reality is changing in the current multipolar and globalised world, where the rise of regional powers can be seen as the other side of decline of US hegemony. In this context, it is still not clear how an external actor, such as the EU, would help in the construction of   regional integration in other parts of the world.

  • 2008. Andrés Rivarola Puntigliano, Adolfo Garcé.

    A wave of electoral victories ushering in so-called left-wing governments

    has swept through Latin America. After decades of ‘right

    wing’ military regimes and neo-liberal oriented coalitions, this political

    shift has fuelled an intense debate around how to interpret the

    region’s new geography of power. We welcome this debate, but also

    acknowledge the need to bring in different points of view, including

    cross-country comparisons, that challenge the more or less established

    concepts around this ‘left turn’ in Latin America.

    Some caveats can be raised here. First of all, there may be a risk

    that research is trapped into analysing ‘the left’ without taking into

    account other dimensions, such as the ‘right’ or the ‘center’. Secondly,

    the notion of a ‘left-right’ dichotomy can be tied to different contextual

    circumstances, such as the historical period or the institutional

    environment in which it is analysed. This leads us to a third element,

    namely, the need to bring research into historical perspective

    by analysing the ideological changes and continuities over the long

    term that might enrich the understanding of the current Latin American

    political landscape. Finally, it is of great importance to take into

    account the impact of systemic elements that influence currents of

    opinion and ideological positioning in the region.

    With these factors as points of departure, we ask questions such

    as: (1) what is the meaning of left and right in the current systemic

    and regional context? (2) is there a beyond the distinction of left

    and right? (3) are national, regional, or sub-regional definitions of

    left and right compatible? (4) to what extent is the content of local

    ideological positioning conditioned by systemic changes at the global

    level?

  • 2007. Andrés Rivarola Puntigliano. Latin American Politics and Society 49 (1)

    This study analyzes Latin America in light of the post–Cold War transformation of the global system. Much of Latin American foreign policy studies traditionally has been concerned with the region’s subordinate position to “core” countries (generally, developed states and their ruling elites) and the degree to which these countries’ policies constrain Latin American policies and development. While this juxtaposition is still a major topic, it ignores the leverage of new “spheres of authority” (SOAs), where global rules and norms are increasingly sustained. A hypothesis presented here is that the U.N. system is an example of such a SOA, which creates a new context for the insertion of periphery demands in the international agenda. A second hypothesis is that such insertion is increasingly made through the creation of new regional groupings, which are an expression of national development and security demands. Such processes carry both new possibilities and challenges.

  • 2017. Andrés Rivarola Puntigliano. Gobernanza de las Integraciones Regionales, 23-45
  • 2019. Andrés Rivarola Puntigliano. Territory, Politics, Governance

    This study analyses the geopolitical dimension of the Catholic Church’s activity in Latin America. This involves ideas related to political control, administration and power over territory. It is also related to the pastoral activity of the Church. As shown, the geopolitics of the Church is related to its internal organization as well as in its relations with states and society. The creation and adaptation of geopolitical visions are made through internal processes in connection with political and cultural forces around the Church. This is identified as the religeopolitical scope of the Catholic Church, analysed in this study from a long-term perspective. During colonial times, the geopolitical vision was linked to consolidating global imperial structures. After the shock of the independence period, there was a reconnection to the new states and a reconstruction of geopolitical visions that in time was transformed into a Latin American ‘continental’ vision. Along this line, the study explores the contemporary confluence between the Catholic Church and geopolitics through ideas and conceptual frameworks such as the Patria Grande. Issues such as regional integration, popular theology and Catholic social commitment are presented as core elements of the Church’s geopolitics in Latin America.

  • 2010. Andrés Rivarola Puntigliano. Anales Nueva Época 12, 55-87
  • 2014. Andrés Rivarola Puntigliano. Ibero-Americana, Nordic Journal of Latin American Studies 44 (1-2), 195-214

    La tesis central de este artículo es que una dificultad para encontrar solución al conflicto en torno a la instalación de fábricas de celulosa a orillas del Río Uruguay, se debe a un ‘vacío de poder’. Esto se da por la inexistencia de actores legítimos definiendo un ‘bien común’, tanto a nivel nacional, como regional. Si bien no es la primera vez que se dan este tipo de enfrentamientos, tanto la forma que ha tomado este conflicto (internacional), como algunos de los actores involucrados (movimientos sociales), dan lugar a reflexiones y preguntas en torno a un nuevo contexto que requiere nuevos formatos de soluciones. Un paso en la dirección correcta es el reconocer que estamos ante una nueva realidad. Vale decir, a nuevas formas de articulación de la sociedad civil, nuevas formas de interacción entre estado y ciudadano así como entre naciones y estados. Esto implica el reconocimiento de que los estados-nacionales cada vez tienen más dificultades de, por si solos, resolver las demandas de sus ciudadanos. También implica el buscar soluciones estructurales, que vayan más allá de ‘lo nacional’, buscando nuevas formas de ‘ciudadanía’.

Visa alla publikationer av Andrés Rivarola Puntigliano vid Stockholms universitet

Senast uppdaterad: 24 februari 2021

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