Jens Ljunggren, professor i historia

Jens Ljunggren


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Works at Department of History
Telephone 08-16 36 64
Visiting address Universitetsvägen 10 D, plan 9
Room D 881
Postal address Historia 106 91 Stockholm


A selection from Stockholm University publication database
  • 2020. Jens Ljunggren.
  • 2020. Jens Ljunggren. Svensk Idrottsforskning
  • 2018. Jens Ljunggren. Labour History Review 83 (3), 247-273

    Twentieth-century politicians have not only devoted themselves to formulating ideologies and representing various social interests. By actively expressing, communicating, and displaying emotions, they have also pursued 'emotional politics', which means that they have used and formed emotions for political purposes. This study scrutinizes how Swedish social democracy, especially its party leaders and early campaigners, has conducted emotional politics from the 1880s to the 1980s. Socialism turned the idea of a divine judgment into a secular world court by promising that in the event of revolution, anger would be given an outlet, revenge would occur, justice would prevail, and the oppressed would be given back their dignity. During the interwar period, the Swedish Social Democratic Party (SAP) took decisive steps towards becoming a reformist 'people's party'. Simultaneously, its party leaders conducted emotional navigation to replace anger with other feelings by legitimizing worry and uncertainty as ways of expressing social displeasure and by furthering a sense of pride generated by emotional self-control. Since the interwar period, it has been a recurrent strategy among Swedish Social Democratic party leaders to pursue emotional navigation in order to mitigate anger and replace it with other emotions.

  • 2017. Helena Bergman, Christina Florin, Jens Ljunggren.
  • Chapter Inledning
    2017. Helena Bergman, Christina Florin, Jens Ljunggren. Känslornas revolution, 9-28
  • 2015. Jens Ljunggren.
  • 2015. Jens Ljunggren, Paul Sjöblom, Bill Sund. Idrott, historia & samhälle, 10-19

    The Swedish Sports Confederation, RF, defines itself as a ‘popular movement’. This notion has been one of the most fundamental elements of the sports movement’s self-image, and it has also been used as a way for the movement to legitimize itself – considering it is financially supported by the Swedish state. This sport organizational identity also denotes that RF is governed democratically. Both the social movement identity and the notion of democratic comportment have been fundamental to the sports movement’s self-understanding. The governing of Swedish sport has so far been scrutinized mostly on a general level concerning the relationship between public authorities and RF. The association level has not been considered to the same extent in previous research. Nor has the issue of sport democracy been particularly highlighted as a research topic in its own right. However, in order to understand the governing of as well as the social and cultural impact of Swedish sport, we must understand how those institutions in authority have been managed and regulated. Based on both innovative theoretical models and empirical in depth analysis, the articles in this special issue find new ways to explain and understand how Swedish sport has been governed and controlled.

  • 2015. Jens Ljunggren. NORDEUROPAforum, 48-66

    In this article I will examine the forming and positioning of "the left-wing intellectual" in Sweden from the late 1940s until the late 1970s. My main focus lies first on "the intellectual" as a social type, that is, ideal concepts of what it meant to be a "left-wing intellectual", and second on the position of left-wing intellectuals within Swedish public debate. The Swedish intellectual setting changed rapidly during the 1960s and 1970s, when young radicals, by connecting Sweden to European culpability regarding the horrors of the early 20th century, created a new and firm left intellectual stance. Suddenly the radical left dominated Sweden's intellectual debate, and became influential since the Swedish state and the Swedish Social Democratic Party (SAP) adopted a strategy of collaboration. The ideal of the "good left-wing intellectual", was pictured in terms of state collaboration, reformism, sociability and being a "cultural worker" rather than a high-brow intellectual confrontation. This type could easily interact with the state while simultaneously reaching parts of the population and satisfying the media establishment - all of which strengthened the left-wing intellectuals' public and cultural significance.

Show all publications by Jens Ljunggren at Stockholm University


Last updated: July 15, 2020

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