Sirus Håfström DehdariBiträdande lektor
Jag disputerade i nationalekonomi vid institutet för internationell ekonomi våren 2018 och är för närvarande biträdande lektor i statsvetenskap. Jag har tidigare varit anställd som postdok vid statsvetenskapliga institutionen på Uppsala universitet (CONPOL-projektet) samt vid institutet för social forskning på Stockholms universitet. Jag forskar främst inom politisk ekonomi, där jag studerar frågor relaterat till politiskt deltagande, väljarstöd för högerradikala partier samt uppkomsten av nationell och regional identitet.
Mer information om min forskning hittar du på min hemsida.
I urval från Stockholms universitets publikationsdatabas
Economic Distress and Support for Radical Right Parties—Evidence From Sweden
2021. Sirus H. Dehdari. Comparative Political StudiesArtikel
This paper studies the effects of economic distress on support for radical right parties. Using Swedish election data, I show that one layoff notice among low-skilled native-born workers increases, on average, support for the Swedish radical right party the Sweden Democrats by 0.17–0.45 votes. The relationship between layoff notices and support for the Sweden Democrats is stronger in areas with a high share of low-skilled immigrants and in areas with a low share of high-skilled immigrants. These findings are in line with theories suggesting that economically distressed voters oppose immigration as they fear increased labor market competition. In addition, I use individual-level survey data to show that self-reported unemployment risk is positively associated with voting for the Sweden Democrats among low-skilled respondents while the opposite is true for high-skilled respondents, echoing the aggregate-level findings.
Selective abstention in simultaneous elections
2021. Sirus Håfström Dehdari, Jaakko Meriläinen, Sven Oskarsson. Electoral Studies 71Artikel
If two elections are held at the same day, why do some people choose to vote in one but to abstain in another? We argue that selective abstention is driven by the same factors that determine voter turnout. Our empirical analysis focuses on Sweden where the (aggregate) turnout gap between local and national elections has been about 2–3%. Rich administrative register data reveal that people from higher socio-economic backgrounds, immigrants, women, older individuals, and people who have been less geographically mobile are less likely to selectively abstain.
Workplace Contact and Support for Anti-Immigration Parties
2021. Henrik Andersson, Sirus H. Dehdari. American Political Science Review 115 (4), 1159-1174Artikel
How does an increased presence of immigrants in the workplace affect anti-immigration voting behavior? While cooperative interactions between natives and immigrants can reduce intergroup prejudice, immigrant coworkers might be regarded as a threat to native-born workers’ labor market position. We combine detailed Swedish workplace data with precinct-level election outcomes for a large anti-immigration party (the Sweden Democrats) to study how the share of non-Europeans in the workplace affects opposition to immigration. We show that the share of non-Europeans in the workplace has a negative effect on support for the Sweden Democrats and that this effect is solely driven by same-skill contact in small workplaces. We interpret these results as supporting the so-called contact hypothesis: that increased interactions with minorities can reduce opposition to immigration among native-born voters, which, in turn, leads to lower support for anti-immigration parties.
The Origins of Common Identity: Evidence from Alsace-Lorraine
2022. Sirus Håfström Dehdari, Kai Gehring. American Economic Journal 14 (1), 261-292Artikel
We study how more negative historical exposure to the actions of nation-states—like war, occupation, and repression—affects the formation of regional identity. The quasi-exogenous division of the French regions Alsace and Lorraine allows us to implement a geographical regression discontinuity design at the municipal level. Using measures of stated and revealed preferences, we find that more negative experiences with nation-states are associated with a stronger regional identity in the short, medium, and long run. This is linked to preferences for more regional decision-making. Establishing regional organizations seems to be a key mechanism to maintaining and strengthening regional identity.